India's Voter Betrayal: Example of Classic Sabotage by Political Parties

In the dynamic arena of democracy, voters' beliefs serve as the ultimate panacea for a political party's survival. This axiom holds particularly true in India, the world's largest democracy, where electoral fortunes rise and fall on the pulse of public aspiration. Post-independence, the masses' primary aim was simple yet profound: ensuring two square meals a day—morning and evening. This basic quest for food, clothing, and shelter defined the Nehruvian era's social contract. However, as economic models evolved, so did voter expectations, shifting from subsistence to sophistication. The crumbling of the Nehruvian socialist model, exposed starkly in the 1969 elections, marked a turning point. Subsequent liberalizing reforms in 1991 unlocked new horizons, igniting the youth and next-generation voters to demand more than daily needs—they sought opportunities, mobility, and dignity. Capitalism's distributive mechanics altered tastes, fueling rapid urbanization and fresh aspirations. Yet, unplanned growth revealed governance gaps, particularly from the ruling Congress party, which clung to an obsolete "biscuit governance model"—a metaphor for superficial, handout-driven politics. This failure to gauge grassroots dissent paved the way for Narendra Modi's BJP in 2014, riding the slogan "Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas." But even as BJP secured a hat-trick of victories, critics argue it has regressed into caste-based machinations, echoing colonial-era divisions repackaged under progressive rhetoric. The recent Economic Survey's subtle critique of the Right to Information Act exemplifies this trend, threatening participatory democracy. As societies in modern democracies affirm citizen rights, India's BJP government appears to march toward curtailing them, undermining "Satyamev Jayate." I am of the affirm view that parties ignoring shifting voter beliefs invite obsolescence.

India's independence in 1947 birthed a nation scarred by partition's violence and colonial exploitation. Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister, envisioned a socialist paradise through Five-Year Plans, public sector dominance, and import substitution. The masses' aspirations were rudimentary: food security amid famines like Bengal's 1943 tragedy, which killed millions. Nehru's "tryst with destiny" speech promised to remove poverty, but reality lagged. By the 1950s, the Green Revolution boosted wheat production from 6.5 million tonnes in 1950 to 20 million by 1970, averting starvation. Yet, this era's voters' belief centered on state paternalism. Congress, under Nehru and later Indira Gandhi, monopolized power, winning 364 of 489 seats in 1952. Rural voters saw the party as a provider of subsidies, land reforms, and community development blocks. Urban poor aspired to welfare precursors, though formalized later. With 82 percent of the population rural in 1961, food remained the panacea. Political survival hinged on delivering this: Congress's dominance lasted until cracks appeared. Nehruvian socialism stifled private enterprise with the License Raj, breeding inefficiency. Inflation soared post-1965 wars, and droughts exposed vulnerabilities. Voters' patience waned, setting the stage for disillusionment.

The 1969 mid-term elections to India's fourth Lok Sabha were a glimpse of impending doom for Congress's model. Indira Gandhi, splitting from the old guard, campaigned on radicalism: bank nationalization, abolishing privy purses, and "Garibi Hatao." Her faction won 352 seats, but the Syndicate's split fragmented the vote. This was no endorsement of socialism but a personalized mandate against stalwarts. Voter beliefs shifted subtly. Industrial unrest, like the 1966 Samyukta Maharashtra movement, highlighted regional aspirations beyond food. The rupee's devaluation and Naxalite uprising signaled rural distress. Indira's victories masked deeper malaise: by 1971, despite Bangladesh War triumph, economic stagnation persisted with GDP growth averaging 3.5 percent, known as the Hindu rate. Voters tolerated it for stability, but the Emergency from 1975 to 1977 shattered trust. Congress's 1977 defeat, reduced to 154 seats, was retribution. This period crystallized that survival demands aligning with aspirations. Congress survived by pivoting, but Nehruvianism crumbled, paving for reforms.

The 1991 balance-of-payments crisis, with foreign reserves covering just two weeks' imports, forced P.V. Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh to liberalize. Dismantling the License Raj, delicensing industries, and devaluing the rupee spurred growth above 6 percent. Foreign direct investment inflows jumped from 97 million dollars in 1990 to 4 billion by 1997. This unlocked new horizons, inspiring youth voters and mobilizing them beyond daily needs. Pre-1991 aspirations were survivalist; post-reforms, they became aspirational. The middle class ballooned from 30 million in 1991 to 300 million by 2011. The IT boom in Bengaluru and Hyderabad created millionaire coders; stock markets democratized wealth. Youth, comprising 65 percent under 35 in 2011, demanded jobs, not handouts. Parties adapted: BJP's 1998-2004 NDA emphasized "India Shining," though overreach led to 2004 loss. Congress returned in 2004 with UPA's rights-based welfare, including employment guarantees, RTI in 2005, and food security, blending reforms with equity. Capitalism's economic distribution changed voter tastes. Consumerism surged: car sales rose fifteenfold from 1991 to 2011. Urbanization accelerated from 31 percent urban in 2011 to a projected 40 percent by 2030, shifting beliefs to quality of life, education, and mobility.

Capitalism fueled rapid urbanization, but unplanned sprawl exposed top-level lapses. Mumbai's Dharavi, Asia's largest slum housing 1 million amid skyscrapers, exemplifies this. Delhi-NCR's air pollution reaching AQI 500 and Bengaluru's water crisis highlight failures. Projections indicate 600 million urbanites by 2030, demanding infrastructure worth 1.2 trillion dollars. Voters' aspirations pivoted: the next generation sought malls and metros, not just meals. Urban household spending on education and health doubled post-2000. Yet, Congress's UPA-II from 2009 to 2014 faltered. The "biscuit governance" model—tokenism like free bicycles and laptops as electoral bait—prevailed. Coal scam losses of 1.86 lakh crore rupees, 2G at 1.76 lakh crore, and Commonwealth Games corruption eroded trust. Voter turnout hit 66 percent in 2014, with youth aged 18-35 at 70 percent, reducing Congress to 44 seats. Grassroots economic shifts demanded opportunities, anti-corruption measures, and transparency. Congress's reluctance to acknowledge this dissenting mood handed Modi a 336-seat mandate on "Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas."

Narendra Modi's 2014 ascent embodied voter beliefs. The Gujarat model, with 8 percent growth and power for all, promised scalability. Slogans like "Na Khaunga, Na Khane Doonga" resonated against corruption. Digital India and Make in India targeted youth aspirations. Goods and Services Tax in 2017 and Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code in 2016 reformed the economy, improving Ease of Doing Business ranking from 142 in 2014 to 63 in 2019. BJP's hat-trick with 303 seats in 2019 owed to welfare: Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana banked 50 crore people, Ayushman Bharat covered 50 crore. Two billion COVID-19 vaccine doses bolstered "Sabka Vishwas." But a return to caste politics—evoking 17th and 18th-century colonial makeovers via census and OBC quotas—mirrors the "biscuit system" with sops. Mandal politics in 1990 revived caste, but Modi's personalization transcended it initially. Post-2019 alliances with caste outfits like Apna Dal and Nishad Party suggest regression, diluting economic focus amid 6.1 percent unemployment, a 45-year high in 2018.

The "biscuit governance" redux under BJP involves caste and cronyism. Caste census demands revive British-era enumerations, fostering division over unity. Urban voters, now influencing 40 percent, seek jobs with urban youth unemployment at 8 percent. Demonetization in 2016 pushed informal sector into formal sector making them more vulnerable from economic cyles of ups and downs. Yet, welfare like PM-KISAN disbursing 2.8 lakh crore rupees sustains the hat-trick, but at democracy's cost. Unplanned urbanization worsens, with 70 percent of urban infrastructure deficient. Voter beliefs demand sustainable growth, not caste arithmetic.

The RTI Act of 2005 revolutionized accountability, with 6 crore applications annually exposing scams like Adarsh housing. It embodies "minimum government, maximum governance," Modi's mantra. Yet, the 2023-24 Economic Survey questions its irrelevancy, citing burden on activists with 2.5 crore pending queries. This signals a march to scrap RTI. Proposals for fee hikes and delays ignore its democratic role. Global peers like the US Freedom of Information Act and UK's Freedom of Information expand rights; India's curtailment bucks the trend. From 2G to Rafale, RTI empowered citizens. BJP's reluctance stems from scrutiny over electoral bonds opacity and non-audited PM CARES. Scrapping erodes "Sabka Vishwas," contradicting "Satyamev Jayate." Societies enlarge rights affirmatively; BJP's path risks alienating aspirational voters valuing transparency. RTI revealed MGNREGA leakages with 1 lakh crore rupees recovered; without it, "biscuit" politics thrives unchecked.

Modern democracies thrive on expanding rights. Sweden's Principle of Public Access predates RTI; Brazil's 2012 Access to Information Law boosted participation. India's RTI filings per capita rival globals, proving efficacy. The Economic Survey's critique ignores burdens manageable via digitization, as RTI Online handles 90 percent. This contrasts with the US GOP's post-Watergate reforms. China's opacity fuels unrest; India's RTI prevents that. Voters' beliefs evolve globally: Occupy Wall Street and Arab Spring demanded transparency. India's digitally savvy youth, with 900 million internet users, echo this.

Political survival demands gauging aspirations: from food to jobs and transparency. Congress failed; BJP risks the same via caste retreats and RTI threats. Strengthening RTI with AI processing and zero fees for the poor is essential. Urban planning via an upgraded Smart Cities initiative should focus on jobs. Economic emphasis must skill 40 crore youth. Transcending caste for inclusive growth is key. Parties embracing this thrive; others face electoral glimpses of defeat.

Voters' beliefs remain democracy's panacea. From Nehruvian roti to Modi's vikas, shifts dictate survival. BJP's hat-trick masks caste regression and RTI threats—echoes of "biscuit" obsolescence. True "Sabka Vishwas" demands transparency, opportunity, and equity. As India urbanizes and aspires, ignoring grassroots signals invites peril. Satyamev Jayate triumphs when governance aligns with people's will.

Sources

- Census of India (1951-2011 reports).  

- National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) consumption data.  

- Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) unemployment stats.  

- NITI Aayog urban infrastructure reports.  

- Central Information Commission (CIC) RTI annual reports.  

- Economic Survey of India (2023-24).  

- NCAER middle-class estimates.  

- CMIE unemployment data.  

- Ministry of Finance (FDI, GDP growth figures).  

- McKinsey Global Institute urbanization projections.